1.1 The Sociological Perspective
Learning Objectives
Define the sociological perspective.
Provide examples of how Americans may not be as “free” as they think.
Explain what is meant by considering individuals as “social beings.”
Residents of the United States live in a free country. Unlike people living in many other nations in the world, we generally have the right to think and do what we want, as long as we do not hurt anyone else. We can choose to go to college or not to go; we can be conservative or liberal; we can believe in a higher deity or not hold this belief; and we can decide to have a romantic relationship with whomever will have us or not to have such a relationship. We make up our own minds on such issues as abortion, affirmative action, the death penalty, gun control, health care, and taxes. We are individuals, and no one has the right to tell us what to do (as long as our actions are legal) or how to think. (This sense of independence led many Americans to refuse to wear face masks during the COVID-19 pandemic that remained as this book went to press, but let’s put that issue aside for now.)
Most Americans probably agree that we enjoy much freedom of thought. And yet perhaps we have less freedom than we think, because society influences many of our choices in ways we do not even realize. Perhaps we are not as distinctively individualistic as we believe we are.
For example, take the right to vote. The secret ballot is one of the most cherished principles of American democracy. We vote in secret so that our choice of a candidate is made freely and without fear of punishment. That is all true, but it is also possible to guess the candidate for whom any one individual will vote if enough is known about the individual. This is because our choice of a candidate is affected by many aspects of our social backgrounds and, in this sense, is not made as freely as we might think.
To illustrate this point, consider national polls in the 2020 presidential election between Democrat Joe Biden and Republican Donald Trump. These polls indicated which demographic groups were more or less likely to support each candidate. A finding in a June 2020 poll was especially striking: 89% of Black people said they would vote for Biden, while only 7% said they would vote for Trump (Pew Research Center 2020). Suppose when that poll was taken a large room was filled with 1,000 randomly selected Black people. Nothing is known about them except that they identified themselves as Black. Because of the polling data just cited, a prediction that each of these 1,000 individuals would say he or she would vote for Biden instead of Trump would have been correct about 890 times and incorrect only about 70 times. Someone betting $1 on each prediction would come out around $820 ahead ($890 – $70 = $820), even though the only thing known about the people in the room was their race.
Now let’s suppose we had a room filled with 1,000 randomly selected Latinx. We know only one thing about them: their ethnicity. The same poll found that 66% of Latinx would vote for Biden and only 32% for Trump. In view of these findings, we could have accurately predicted that about two-thirds of Latinx in our room would vote for Biden. Someone betting $1 that each person in the room voted for Biden instead of Trump would have been right about 666 times and wrong only 320 times and would have come out $346 ahead ($666 – $320 = $346). Even though Latinx had every right and freedom under our democracy to prefer any candidate they wanted in 2020, they still tended to greatly prefer Biden because of the influence of their ethnicity.
The poll also found that 68% of people aged 18–29 would vote for Biden, compared to 28% for Trump. If we had bet that each person in a room filled with 1,000 randomly selected people in this age group would vote for Biden instead of Trump, we would have been correct about 680 times and wrong about 280 times, winning us $400, even though all we knew about them was their age. Similarly, because the poll found that 64% of college graduates would vote for Biden and only 36% for Trump, we would have won $280 by betting that each person in a room filled with college graduates would vote for Biden instead of Trump, even though all we knew about them was their level of education.
Yes, Americans have freedom, but our freedom to think and act is constrained at least to some degree by society’s standards and expectations and by the many aspects of our social backgrounds. This is true for voting and other important behaviors and beliefs, and it is also true for less important examples. For instance, think back to the last class you attended in person. How many of the women wore evening gowns? How many of the men wore skirts? Students are allowed to dress any way they want in most colleges and universities, but notice how few students, if any, dress in the way just mentioned. They do not dress that way because of the strange looks and even negative reactions they would receive.
Think back to the last time you rode in an elevator. Why did you not face the back? Why did you not sit on the floor? Why did you not start singing? Children can do these things and “get away with it,” because they look cute doing so, but adults risk looking odd. Because of that, even though we are allowed to act strangely in an elevator, we do not.
The basic point is that society shapes our attitudes and behavior even if it does not determine them altogether. We still have freedom, but society’s expectations limit this freedom. Moreover, our views and behavior depend to some degree on our social locations in society—our gender, race, social class, sexual orientation and gender identity, religion, and so forth. Thus, society as a whole and our own social backgrounds affect our attitudes and behaviors. Our social backgrounds also affect one other important part of our lives, and that is our life chancesThe degree to which people succeed in life in such areas as education, income, and health.—our chances (whether we have a good chance or little chance) of being healthy, wealthy, and well educated and, more generally, of living good, happy lives.
The influence of our social environmentA general term for social backgrounds and other aspects of society. in all of these respects is the fundamental understanding that sociologyThe scientific study of social behavior and social institutions.—the scientific study of social behavior and social institutions—aims to present. At the heart of sociology is the sociological perspectiveThe belief that people’s social backgrounds influence their attitudes, behavior, and life chances., the view that our social backgrounds influence our attitudes, behavior, and life chances. In this regard, we are not just individuals but rather social beings deeply enmeshed in society. Although we all differ from one another in many respects, we share with many other people basic aspects of our social backgrounds, perhaps especially gender, race and ethnicity, and social class. These shared qualities make us more similar to each other than we would otherwise be.
A Quick Summary of Sociology!
Welcome to sociology! This video offers a “crash course” summary of what sociology is and how it tries to understand the social world and your place in it.
Transcript0.12 to 2.76 | - Hello, I'm Nicole Sweeney, and I have a question for you. |
2.76 to 4.5649999999999995 | Have you ever wondered how the world works? |
4.5649999999999995 to 7.5600000000000005 | I'm not talking about atoms and molecules or wave functions |
7.5600000000000005 to 9 | and chemical reactions. |
9 to 10.23 | I mean the world of people. |
10.23 to 12.24 | For example, have you ever wondered who goes |
12.24 to 13.35 | to college and why? |
13.35 to 15.42 | What is it that makes people march in the streets? |
15.42 to 17.135 | How do you know to raise your hand in math class |
17.135 to 18.33 | but not at the dinner table? |
18.33 to 20.22 | Why do some people like Broadway musicals |
20.22 to 22.83 | and some people like hip hop and some people like both? |
22.83 to 25.53 | Well, we're gonna find out about all of that stuff |
25.53 to 28.92 | and so, so much more, especially you. |
28.92 to 31.32 | You're gonna learn about you and your place in the world |
31.32 to 33.6 | because this is crash course sociology. |
44.76 to 45.87 | Sociology got its start. |
45.87 to 47.37 | Thanks to a French philosopher named De Gus |
47.37 to 48.87 | Comp in the 18 hundreds. |
48.87 to 50.79 | He wanted there to be a systematic science |
50.79 to 53.015 | for studying society, a way to investigate |
53.015 to 54.45 | and solve its basic problems. |
54.45 to 56.79 | And while sociology today is very different from |
56.79 to 59.58 | what comp imagined, that's still kind of what it is. |
59.58 to 61.38 | Sociology is the scientific study |
61.38 to 62.91 | of society and human behavior. |
62.91 to 65.49 | But isn't society this great big thing? |
65.49 to 67.41 | I mean, society is whole cities, |
67.41 to 68.765 | it's the economy, it's politics. |
68.765 to 70.115 | And what does all of that have to do |
70.115 to 71.73 | with raising your hand at the dinner table? |
71.73 to 74.34 | A lot. As it turns out, a society is just a group of people |
74.34 to 75.99 | who share a culture and a territory, |
75.99 to 78.78 | and culture is in everything from the biggest questions in |
78.78 to 81.45 | politics to the smallest interactions between people. |
81.45 to 86.16 | So yes, society is big, but it's also very small. |
86.16 to 88.35 | Wanna see how, let's go to the thought bubble. |
88.35 to 90.395 | Imagine you're sitting alone in your room singing along |
90.395 to 92.52 | to your favorite Broadway show at the top of your lungs, |
92.52 to 93.69 | not another person in sight. |
93.69 to 96.36 | Society isn't anywhere to be found except |
96.36 to 98.85 | that it is even if you ignore the house that you're in |
98.85 to 100.89 | and the parents, siblings or roommates you're probably |
100.89 to 102.72 | bothering while you're singing so horribly. |
102.72 to 104.315 | There's still the song that you're singing |
104.315 to 105.545 | and the music that goes with it. |
105.545 to 108.035 | Those things along with literally every object in the room |
108.035 to 110.79 | that you didn't make yourself are all products of society. |
110.79 to 112.89 | And you might be all alone when you're belting out Hamilton, |
112.89 to 115.08 | but you weren't alone when a friend first introduced you |
115.08 to 116.37 | to the musical and its songs, |
116.37 to 117.54 | and for that matter, |
117.54 to 119.88 | your taste in music isn't purely yours either. |
119.88 to 121.685 | What kind of music you like can be influenced |
121.685 to 124.2 | by anything from what you were exposed to as a kid, to |
124.2 to 125.555 | what your friends like now, to |
125.555 to 126.785 | what neighborhood you grew up in |
126.785 to 128.04 | or what schools you went to. |
128.04 to 130.98 | Society is tricky. It gets in places you might not expect. |
130.98 to 132.84 | Thanks thought bubble. So when we say |
132.84 to 134.67 | that sociology is the study of society |
134.67 to 136.2 | and human behavior, that means |
136.2 to 138.15 | that sociology is incredibly broad. |
138.15 to 139.86 | In fact, it may be the broadest of |
139.86 to 141.42 | what we call the social sciences. |
141.42 to 143.555 | The social sciences include disciplines like economics |
143.555 to 145.83 | and psychology, and while they all have different focuses |
145.83 to 147.51 | and perspectives, they're all trying |
147.51 to 149.52 | to understand the social world objectively |
149.52 to 151.59 | through controlled and repeated observation. |
151.59 to 154.05 | So what makes sociology different from any |
154.05 to 155.52 | of these other social sciences? |
155.52 to 158.61 | Well, like the others, sociology is looking for patterns, |
158.61 to 160.2 | recurring characteristics or events, |
160.2 to 161.46 | but it looks for all kinds |
161.46 to 163.44 | of patterns in all kinds of places. |
163.44 to 166.71 | Sociology looks at all aspects of society and at all scales. |
166.71 to 169.53 | From two people talking to differences between nations. |
169.53 to 172.23 | It's this scope that really sets sociology apart, |
172.23 to 174.57 | especially in what's known as the sociological perspective. |
174.57 to 177.06 | And the sociological perspective means two things. |
177.06 to 179.83 | One, it means seeing the general in the particular, |
179.83 to 182.83 | and two, it means seeing the strange and the familiar. |
182.83 to 184.78 | Seeing the general in the particular is a way of saying |
184.78 to 187.27 | that sociology tries to understand social behavior |
187.27 to 189.34 | by placing it in its wider social context. |
189.34 to 191.59 | To go back to you belting out Broadway tunes in your room, |
191.59 to 194.08 | the sociologist who overhears you from the sidewalk might |
194.08 to 196.33 | notice not just your choice of what to sing, |
196.33 to 198.64 | but how that individual choice may have been influenced |
198.64 to 201.88 | by your class, neighborhood, race, gender, or age. |
201.88 to 204.04 | To take another example, a sociologist might not care |
204.04 to 206.56 | whether or not you in particular decide to get married, |
206.56 to 208.36 | but she might be interested in learning more about a |
208.36 to 210.16 | declining marriage rate in your society |
210.16 to 211.48 | and say what's causing it |
211.48 to 213.34 | and whether it's having any societal impacts, |
213.34 to 215.02 | or maybe she's more interested in the fact |
215.02 to 216.82 | that in the US people tend to marry partners |
216.82 to 218.38 | of the same class and race them. |
218.38 to 220.06 | In both of these cases, what people sing |
220.06 to 222.435 | or whom they marry, the sociologist is interested in a |
222.435 to 225.34 | general pattern, a pattern composed of a massive number |
225.34 to 227.17 | of particular individual choices. |
227.17 to 229.21 | Each individual forms a part of the pattern, |
229.21 to 231.04 | and in looking at their individual choices, |
231.04 to 233.68 | a sociologist can see elements of the whole pattern, |
233.68 to 236.05 | like seeing how a single stone fits into a mosaic. |
236.05 to 238.12 | Seeing the strange and the familiar is the second part |
238.12 to 239.44 | of the sociological perspective, |
239.44 to 241.3 | and it's maybe more difficult to do. |
241.3 to 242.68 | To see the strange and the familiar is |
242.68 to 244.93 | to approach the everyday world as though you were seeing it |
244.93 to 247.09 | for the first time as if you were from another world. |
247.09 to 249.46 | This is hard, but it's also incredibly important |
249.46 to 251.86 | and kind of cool when we ask at the very beginning why you |
251.86 to 253.75 | raised your hand to ask a question in your math class |
253.75 to 255.16 | but not at your dinner table. |
255.16 to 257.715 | That's a very small example of trying to see the strange |
257.715 to 259.9 | and the familiar, and this is so hard to do |
259.9 to 262.54 | because your own society tends to look normal to you. |
262.54 to 264.73 | You take it for granted as you're socialized into it, |
264.73 to 266.895 | you're taught a common sense understanding of society, |
266.895 to 268.3 | and that's not a bad thing. |
268.3 to 270.4 | After all, you need a common sense understanding |
270.4 to 272.08 | of society in order to live in it, right? |
272.08 to 274.45 | You need to know that you shake hands when you meet someone |
274.45 to 275.92 | new and that red means stop |
275.92 to 278.08 | and that you should try to show up on time to things. |
278.08 to 281.17 | But if sociology is going to study society, it needs |
281.17 to 282.67 | to be able to look at these things as strange |
282.67 to 285.31 | and unfamiliar in order to really understand how they work |
285.31 to 287.62 | and to uncover patterns of behavior in a culture. |
287.62 to 290.44 | Common sense has to just get us through the world, |
290.44 to 292.63 | but sociology has to know what's true. |
292.63 to 294.97 | And this is important because a society's common sense |
294.97 to 296.44 | doesn't consist only of harmless |
296.44 to 297.855 | conventions like shaking Hands. |
297.855 to 300.435 | Just 200 years ago in the US it was common sense |
300.435 to 301.845 | that only white men were capable |
301.845 to 303.49 | of participating in society. |
303.49 to 305.71 | It was common sense that slavery was right |
305.71 to 307.24 | and that women shouldn't be allowed to vote. |
307.24 to 309.43 | These things were common sense in the same way |
309.43 to 311.35 | that their opposites are taken for granted now. |
311.35 to 313.665 | And the sociological perspective, seeing the general |
313.665 to 314.98 | and the particular and the strange |
314.98 to 317.77 | and the familiar helps us to understand problems like this |
317.77 to 318.91 | because it helps us see some |
318.91 to 320.95 | of the key concepts in the study of society. |
320.95 to 324.16 | Among these concepts, social, location, marginalization, |
324.16 to 325.27 | and power, and inequality. |
325.27 to 326.32 | If you imagine a map |
326.32 to 328.51 | of society laying out all the different social groups |
328.51 to 330.01 | and their relationships to each other, |
330.01 to 332.62 | then your social location is your spot on that map. |
332.62 to 334.84 | Your social location is a way of classifying yourself |
334.84 to 336.67 | by race, social, class, gender, |
336.67 to 338.74 | sexual orientation, religion, et cetera. |
338.74 to 340.69 | Understanding social location is important |
340.69 to 342.82 | because just like the sociologist looks for the general |
342.82 to 344.5 | and the particular a person's life |
344.5 to 346.9 | and choices will be influenced by their social location. |
346.9 to 348.43 | This is true in a bunch of ways. |
348.43 to 350.355 | Most obvious is that your social location |
350.355 to 351.43 | can limit your choices. |
351.43 to 352.75 | Some groups have legal rights |
352.75 to 354.015 | and privileges that others don't. |
354.015 to 355.78 | For instance, until a few years ago, gays |
355.78 to 357.71 | and lesbians couldn't legally marry in the us |
357.71 to 360.02 | so their social location limited their choices, |
360.02 to 362.39 | but social location also impacts what you learn |
362.39 to 364.01 | and what you're taught about society. |
364.01 to 365.69 | Whether or not you go to college, for instance, |
365.69 to 366.83 | can be heavily influenced |
366.83 to 369.11 | by whether the social class you grew up in tends |
369.11 to 371.515 | to see college as a real or valuable possibility. |
371.515 to 373.16 | And social location also affects |
373.16 to 375.2 | what others have learned and are taught about. |
375.2 to 377.99 | You take for instance, the consistent finding that resumes |
377.99 to 380.99 | with names that sound African American tend to get called |
380.99 to 382.97 | for interviews much less often than those |
382.97 to 385.79 | with white sounding names, even though the resumes are |
385.79 to 387.05 | otherwise identical. |
387.05 to 389.69 | In all these ways, social location can contribute |
389.69 to 391.58 | to the marginalization of a social group. |
391.58 to 393.17 | If a social group is marginalized, it means |
393.17 to 395.75 | that it occupies a position outside the centers of power. |
395.75 to 398 | Marginalized groups are often racial, ethnic, |
398 to 399.11 | sexual, or religious. |
399.11 to 401.15 | Minorities and marginalized groups tend |
401.15 to 403.01 | to have a clearer view of how power operates. |
403.01 to 405.86 | Heterosexual people, for example, often don't recognize |
405.86 to 406.975 | what a social power it is |
406.975 to 408.95 | to have their relationship socially sanctioned |
408.95 to 411.11 | and to be able to display affection in public in ways |
411.11 to 412.67 | that LGBT people often can't. |
412.67 to 415.43 | If marginalization is a matter of being outside the centers |
415.43 to 418.49 | of power, that draws our attention to another fact. |
418.49 to 420.92 | The fact that there are many different kinds of power |
420.92 to 422.66 | and many different kinds of inequality. |
422.66 to 425.48 | There are of course the obvious kinds like economic power |
425.48 to 427.43 | and income inequality or political power |
427.43 to 429.23 | and politically enforced inequalities like |
429.23 to 430.46 | segregation or slavery. |
430.46 to 432.62 | But then there are the less obvious kinds like social |
432.62 to 434.33 | or cultural power and inequality. |
434.33 to 436.67 | For instance, people who speak with non-standard accents |
436.67 to 438.77 | or dialects are often judged harshly for them |
438.77 to 440.93 | and can be seen as less intelligent or less mature. |
440.93 to 442.855 | Sociology can help us identify |
442.855 to 445.375 | and understand all of these things and maybe even try |
445.375 to 447.5 | and fix them, and that's the point. |
447.5 to 449.99 | Sociology is all about understanding society, |
449.99 to 452.75 | and society is where we all live, so we'd like it to work |
452.75 to 454.1 | as well as possible. |
454.1 to 456.77 | Good sociology can help us to create good public policy. |
456.77 to 458.725 | And if we think back to comp, his desire was |
458.725 to 460.555 | to do just this, to understand |
460.555 to 462.35 | and maybe fix his society's problems. |
462.35 to 464.305 | The late 18th and 19th centuries were a time |
464.305 to 466.01 | of massive economic, social, |
466.01 to 467.39 | and political upheaval in Europe. |
467.39 to 469.34 | This was when industrialization really took off |
469.34 to 471.74 | with factories sprouting up like weeds connected by larger |
471.74 to 472.91 | and larger rail networks. |
472.91 to 474.17 | At the same time, the population |
474.17 to 476.48 | of Europe exploded growing faster than at any |
476.48 to 477.59 | time in previous history. |
477.59 to 479 | This was especially true in cities |
479 to 480.68 | where industrial production was centralized |
480.68 to 482.12 | and all of these massive economic |
482.12 to 484.64 | and social changes came with political shocks too. |
484.64 to 487.25 | This period saw the advent of mass democracy, the fall |
487.25 to 489.08 | of kings on the rise of the nation state. |
489.08 to 490.79 | This combined with the rise of science |
490.79 to 493.79 | as a discipline was the context in which sociology arose. |
493.79 to 494.9 | The first sociologist looked |
494.9 to 496.58 | around at their quickly changing societies |
496.58 to 499.22 | and were driven to try and scientifically understand them. |
499.22 to 501.65 | We said earlier that society wasn't just big things like |
501.65 to 504.02 | revolutions, industrialization, demographics, |
504.02 to 505.67 | but it is also these things. |
505.67 to 508.55 | It's both the big and the small because they're related. |
508.55 to 511.58 | Sociology is about understanding the whole thing at every |
511.58 to 513.65 | level and how those levels interact. |
513.65 to 515.27 | It's about understanding why you don't have |
515.27 to 517.25 | to raise your hand at the dinner table and why. |
517.25 to 520.46 | So-called common sense can lead to massive policy mistakes. |
520.46 to 522.59 | Welcome to the Science of Sociology. |
522.59 to 525.71 | Today, we talked about what sociology is and what it does. |
525.71 to 528.08 | We discussed what it means to be the study of society |
528.08 to 530.21 | and why that's broader than you might think. |
530.21 to 532.04 | We introduced the sociological perspective |
532.04 to 534.44 | and discussed how sociology differentiates itself from the |
534.44 to 535.8 | other social sciences. |
535.8 to 538.59 | And finally, we discussed what sociology can do |
538.59 to 540.99 | and how that concern with social problems was at the center |
540.99 to 542.28 | of sociology's beginnings. |
542.28 to 544.92 | Next time, we'll introduce different theories of society, |
544.92 to 546.125 | the basic paradigms |
546.125 to 548.975 | of sociology crash Course Sociology is filmed in the Dr. |
548.975 to 551.16 | Cheryl c Kenny studio in Missoula, Montana, |
551.16 to 553.11 | and it's made with the help of all of these nice people. |
553.11 to 554.88 | Our animation team is Thought Cafe |
554.88 to 557.22 | and Crash Course is made with Adobe Creative Cloud. |
557.22 to 558.57 | If you'd like to keep crash, course free |
558.57 to 561.205 | for everyone forever, you can support the series at Patreon, |
561.205 to 562.68 | a crowdfunding platform that allows you |
562.68 to 564.03 | to support the content you love. |
564.03 to 565.77 | Speaking of Patreon, we'd like to thank all |
565.77 to 566.82 | of our patrons in general, |
566.82 to 568.32 | and we'd like to specifically thank our |
568.32 to 569.43 | headmaster of learning. |
569.43 to 571.32 | David Sadowski. Thank you for your support. |
Does societyA group of people who live within a defined territory and who share a culture. totally determine our beliefs, behavior, and life chances? No. Individual differences still matter, and disciplines such as psychology are certainly needed for the most complete understanding of human action and beliefs. But if individual differences matter, so do society and the social backgrounds from which we come. Even the most individual attitudes and behaviors, such as the voting decisions discussed earlier, reflect to some degree our social backgrounds and, more generally, the society to which we belong.
In this regard, consider what is perhaps the most personal decision one could make: the decision to commit suicide. What could be more personal and individualistic than this fatal decision? When individuals commit suicide, we usually assume that they were very unhappy and probably depressed. They may have been troubled by a crumbling romantic relationship, bleak job prospects, incurable illness, or chronic pain. But not all people in these circumstances commit suicide; in fact, few do. Perhaps various aspects of a depressed person’s social background affect the chances of committing suicide.
To illustrate this point, consider suicide rates—the rate of a particular group of people who commit suicide, usually taken as, say, 8 suicides for every 100,000 people in that group. Different groups have different suicide rates. As just one example, men are more likely than women to commit suicide (Figure 1.1). Why is this? Are men more depressed than women? No, the best evidence indicates that women are more depressed than men (Albert 2015) and that women try to commit suicide more often than men (American Foundation for Suicide Prevention 2020). If so, there must be something about being a man that makes it more likely that males’ suicide attempts will result in death. One of these “somethings” is that males are more likely than females to try to commit suicide with a firearm, a far more lethal method than, say, taking an overdose of sleeping pills (Harvard Injury Control Research Center 2020). If this is true, then it is fair to say that gender influences our chances of committing suicide, even if suicide is perhaps the most personal of all acts.
In the United States, suicide rates are generally higher west of the Mississippi River than east of it (Figure 1.2). Is that because people out west are more depressed than those back east? No, there is no evidence of this. Perhaps there is something else about the western states that helps lead to higher suicide rates (Barkan et al. 2013). For example, many of these states are sparsely populated compared to their eastern counterparts, with people in the western states living relatively far from one another. Because we know that social support networks help people deal with personal problems and deter possible suicides (Kleiman and Liu 2013), perhaps these networks are weaker in the western states, helping lead to higher suicide rates. Then too, membership in organized religion is lower out west than back east (Finke and Stark 2005). Because religious beliefs help us deal with personal problems, perhaps suicide rates are higher out west in part because religious networks are weaker. Thus, a depressed person out west is, all other things being equal, at least a little more likely than a depressed person back east to commit suicide.
Figure 1.2 U.S. Suicide Rates, 2018
The number of deaths per 100,000 total population. States are categorized from highest rate to lowest rate. Although adjusted for differences in age-distribution and population size, rankings by state do not take into account other state specific population characteristics that may affect the level of mortality. When the number of deaths is small, rankings by state may be unreliable due to instability in death rates.

Source: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/suicide-mortality/suicide.htm.
Long Description
Age-Adjusted Death Rates per 100,000: 8.3-11.7: California, Hawaii, Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, Connecticut, Maryland, New Jersey, Delaware, Rhode Island. 11.7-15.1: Texas, Nebraska, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi. 15.1-18.5: Washington, Iowa, Arkansas, Louisiana, Indiana, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, South Carolina, Florida. 18.5-21.9: Oregon, Nevada, Arizona, Alaska, North Dakota, South Dakota, Kansas, Oklahoma, Missouri, West Virginia, Vermont, New Hampshire, Maine. 21.9-25.2: Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, New Mexico.
Key Takeaways
According to the sociological perspective, social backgrounds influence attitudes, behavior, and life chances.
Social backgrounds influence but do not totally determine attitudes and behavior.
Americans may be less “free” in their thoughts and behavior than they normally think they are.
For Your Review
Do you think that society constrains our thoughts and behaviors as the text argues? Why or why not?
Describe how one aspect of your own social background has affected an important attitude you hold, a behavior in which you have engaged, or your ability to do well in life (life chances).